Gazans prepare for ‘Friday of martyrs’ after carnage

Palestinians are gathering for fresh protests in the Gaza Strip after Israeli massacre of more than 60 people in the besieged enclave on Monday. 

The committee which organized weekly “March of Return” rallies has called on the Gazans to come out en masse on the first day of the fasting month of Ramadan, under the slogan “Friday for the martyrs and the wounded.”

Israeli snipers, tanks and armored vehicles remain deployed near the Gaza fence after they killed at least 62 Gazans on the same day the US opened its embassy in occupied Jerusalem al-Quds.

Tens of thousands of people have been protesting along the fortified fence since March 30, calling for Palestinian refugees and their descendants to be allowed to return to their homes now inside Israel.

On Thursday, Israel carried out airstrikes on what it described as militant sites in Gaza, apparently targeting Hamas which it accuses of organizing protest rallies. The Palestinian Health Ministry said one man was injured during the attacks.

UN voting to probe Gaza attacks

Israel was also scrambling to thwart a special session by the United Nations Human Rights Council on Friday to decide whether to dispatch “an independent commission of inquiry” to investigate allegations of Israeli war crimes in Gaza.

The team would be mandated to look into “alleged violations and abuses, including those that may amount to war crimes and to identify those responsible,” read the text of a resolution submitted on Thursday night.

The commission should look at “ending impunity and ensuring legal accountability, including individual criminal and command responsibility, for such violations,” it added.

The Israeli mission at the United Nations has been ordered to prevent the investigation, said a Thursday report by Israel’s Channel 10.

Meanwhile, international condemnation of the Israeli killing, which shocked the world by its ferocity, continued. On Thursday, French President Emmanuel Macron condemned the “heinous acts” committed by Israel.

Palestinian Foreign Minister Riyad al-Maliki, who was addressing a meeting of the Arab League, called the carnage “a bloody racist massacre committed by the Israeli occupation forces in cold blood against our defenseless people.”

More than 2,700 Palestinians were wounded as the Israeli forces used snipers, tank fire and tear gas to target the demonstrators. A Canadian physician was shot by an Israeli sniper in both legs while treating the injured.

“Canada deplores and is gravely concerned by the violence in the Gaza strip that has led to a tragic loss of life and injured countless people,” Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said on Thursday.

“We are appalled that Dr Tarek Loubani, a Canadian citizen, is among the wounded – along with so many unarmed people, including civilians, members of the media, first responders, and children.”

Palestinian protesters have hoped to draw attention to a dire humanitarian crisis in Gaza, where the economy has collapsed under an Egyptian-Israeli blockade since 2007.

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi said on Thursday he had made a rare decision to open the Rafah crossing with Gaza for a month, allowing Palestinians to cross during the holy period of Ramadan.

The Rafah crossing is Gaza’s only gateway to the outside world not controlled by Israel, but Egypt has largely sealed it in recent years under a security cooperation agreement with Tel Aviv.


Sorgente: PressTV-Gazans prepare for ‘Friday of martyrs’ after carnage


80+ INGOs demand accountability for Israel’s unlawful killing of demonstrators in Gaza strip


AIDA, a network of more than 80 INGOs operating in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), on Tuesday condemned Israel’s unlawful killing of demonstrators at the border of the Gaza Strip on 14 May 2018. So far, 61 Palestinians have been killed, including one medic and eight children, and over 2,700 others have been injured, the majority by live ammunition fired at protesters by Israeli security forces, according to the Ministry of Health in Gaza. The casualties occurred in the context of protests near the fence with Israel.

“Israel’s continued use of lethal and excessive live-ammunition against protestors is not only deplorable, but also in sharp contravention of international law,” said William Bell, Head of Middle East Policy and Advocacy, Christian Aid.

Monday’s demonstration is a culmination of a sequence of protests organized since 30 March 2018 to mark 70 years since the expulsion of more than 750,000 Palestinians from their homes in 1948. More than 70 % of Gaza’s population are refugees, living under dire circumstances in the besieged Strip.

“The Gaza Strip is on the verge of a humanitarian disaster as a result of 11 years of blockade, which has crippled Gaza’s economy and increased aid dependency, with some 84 % dependent on humanitarian assistance, and an unemployment rate which stands at a staggering 45 %. Gaza is an open air prison for 2 million women, men, boys and girls, living under air, sea and land blockade. People are losing hope that the untenable situation they find themselves in will ever be resolved”, said Chris Eijkemans, Country Director for Oxfam in the occupied Palestinian territory and Israel.

Since 30 March, more than 100 Palestinians have been killed, and another 12,271 injured, including hundreds of children. In addition, medical personnel and facilities have also come under fire, resulting in the injury of 211 medical staff and damage sustained to 25 ambulances, according to WHO. Hospitals are at the brink of collapse, unable to deal with the vast number of injured as a result of a decade-long blockade and insufficient electricity and medical supplies and equipment. Due to the near impossibility of obtaining a medical referral for surgery outside of the Gaza Strip, 21 Palestinians injured during demonstrations have so far had limb amputations since 30 March.

According to international law, lethal fire may only be used in circumstances where threat to life is imminent. Israeli forces are obliged to exercise restraint and refrain from excessive use of force, and respect Palestinians’ right to life, health and freedom of assembly. Targeting medical personnel is a breach of IHL and is considered a War Crime under the Rome Statute. Preventing injured persons from accessing treatment is a violation of their right to health, and amounts to collective punishment.

AIDA called on third states to condemn Israel’s unlawful killings and to step up their pressure on Israel to immediately halt its practice of using live ammunition against unarmed demonstrators, which runs contrary to Israel’s obligations under international law, and to lift its unlawful blockade of the Gaza Strip. Echoing the words of UN Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, AIDA urges third states to demand independent and credible investigations into the incidents, and for those responsible to be held to account.

Sorgente: 80+ INGOs demand accountability for Israel’s unlawful killing of demonstrators in Gaza strip – PNN

Names and faces of this weeks martyrs

Gaza killings: Names and faces of those killed by Israeli forces this week Eight-month-old Laila is youngest Palestinian killed in Gaza on Monday, the deadliest day since 2014 war * * * * List of names and ages … 1. Laila Anwar Al-Ghandoor, 8 months old 2. Ezz el-din Musa Mohamed Alsamaak, 14 years old […]


Medici Senza Frontiere a Gaza osserva lesioni da arma da fuoco devastanti

Dal 1° aprile, le squadre di MSF a Gaza, in Palestina, hanno prestato assistenza post-intervento a più di 500 persone ferite da colpi di arma da fuoco durante le dimostrazioni della Marcia del Ritorno. Il numero di pazienti trattati nelle nostre cliniche nelle ultime tre settimane è più del numero che abbiamo trattato durante tutto il 2014, quando l’operazione militare di Israele è stata lanciata sulla striscia di Gaza. Lo staff medico di MSF riferisce di aver ricevuto pazienti con lesioni devastanti di una gravità insolita, che sono estremamente complesse da trattare. Le ferite riportate dai pazienti lasceranno la maggior parte con gravi disabilità fisiche a lungo termine.

Le squadre mediche negli ospedali di Gaza si preparano ad affrontare un possibile nuovo afflusso di feriti questo venerdì nelle ultime dimostrazioni della Marcia del Ritorno. I chirurghi di MSF a Gaza riferiscono devastanti ferite d’arma da fuoco tra le centinaia di persone ferite durante le proteste nelle ultime settimane. La stragrande maggioranza dei pazienti – principalmente giovani uomini, ma anche donne e bambini – ha ferite insolitamente gravi agli arti inferiori. Le equipe mediche di MSF sottolineano che le lesioni includono un livello estremo di distruzione delle ossa e dei tessuti molli e ferite di grandi dimensioni che possono avere le dimensioni di un pugno.
“La metà degli oltre 500 pazienti che abbiamo ammesso nelle nostre cliniche ha ferite in cui il proiettile ha letteralmente distrutto il tessuto dopo aver polverizzato l’osso“, ha detto Marie-Elisabeth Ingres, capo missione di MSF in Palestina. “Questi pazienti avranno bisogno di operazioni chirurgiche molto complesse e molti di loro avranno disabilità per tutta la vita“.
Gestire queste lesioni è molto difficile. Oltre alla normale assistenza infermieristica, i pazienti spesso necessitano di un ulteriore intervento chirurgico e di essere sottoposti a un lungo processo di fisioterapia e riabilitazione. Molti pazienti manterranno carenze funzionali per il resto della loro vita. Alcuni pazienti potrebbero ancora aver bisogno di un’amputazione se non vengono forniti di sufficiente cura a Gaza e se non riescono a ottenere l’autorizzazione necessaria per essere trattati al di fuori della striscia.
Per far fronte a questo massiccio afflusso di pazienti, MSF ha rafforzato le sue capacità, aumentato il numero di posti letto nelle sue cliniche post-operatorie e reclutato e formato personale medico aggiuntivo. Una quarta clinica si aprirà presto nella regione di Gaza per fornire ai pazienti le cure specialistiche necessarie.
In risposta alla crisi, MSF ha anche schierato una squadra di chirurghi (compresi chirurghi vascolari, ortopedici e ricostruttivi) e di anestesisti per operare – o riattivare – i casi più gravi. Questa squadra attualmente lavora fianco a fianco con il personale medico palestinese negli ospedali pubblici Al-Shifa e Al-Aqsa.

( Fonte: )

Sorgente: 21-4-18_MSF-Gaza-Lesioni-gravi-e-devastanti

“Mi vergogno di essere israeliano”. Sospeso conduttore radiofonico per aver criticato la mattanza di Gaza

Mi vergogno di essere israeliano. Sospeso conduttore radiofonico per aver criticato la mattanza di Gaza

Il principale annunciatore radiofonico della radio dell’esercito israeliano, Kobi Meidan, è stato sospeso dal suo incarico dopo aver affermato di essersi vergognato di essere israeliano e per aver criticato duramente il massacro di 17 palestinesi nella Striscia di Gaza durante la lunga marcia del ritorno, protesta svoltasi nell’ambito della Giornata della Terra della Palestina.

“Oggi mi vergogno di essere un israeliano”, ha scritto Kobi Meidan, principale conduttore della Radio militare di Israele sul suo social account Facebook.

Secondo il quotidiano israeliano ‘Haaretz‘, dopo questo commento, il capo della radio israeliana, Shimon Elkabetz, ha annunciato che Meidan non dovrebbe più lavorare lì, anche se non è ancora chiaro se la sua sospensione sia temporanea o permanente.

Il commento di Kobi Meidan ha provocato, inoltre, la reazione del ministro degli affari militari di Israele, Avigdor Lieberman.

“Questo ho detto alla radio israeliana che gli avrebbe procurato “imbarazzato per avere un tale annunciatore su una stazione radio militare”. “Se (Meidan) si vergogna, lui stesso deve trarre conclusioni e lasciare la stazione”, ha aggiunto Lieberman.

Poco tempo dopo che il capo dell’opposizione, il laburista Avi Gabay, si è schierato a difesa di Meidan tramite il suo account Twitter, notando che “Lieberman è un ministro della difesa e non può assegnare agli annunciatori radiofonici dell’esercito”.

“Sono molto orgoglioso di essere un israeliano, ma sono totalmente contrario a licenziare le persone per motivi di libertà di espressione”, ha scritto.

Fonte: Haaretz
Notizia del:

Sorgente: “Mi vergogno di essere israeliano”. Sospeso conduttore radiofonico per aver criticato la mattanza di Gaza

Grande Marcia per il Ritorno, padre Musallam: USA e Israele sono i veri terroristi

Gaza – PIC. Manuel Musallam, sacerdote della Chiesa romana di Gaza e membro dell’Organizzazione islamo-cristiana, ha dichiarato: “Il popolo palestinese perderà il suo diritto al ritorno se resta in silenzio e non resiste per recuperare i suoi diritti”.

Nell’intervista realizzata da PIC, Musallam ha sottolineato che la Grande Marcia per il Ritorno è un messaggio forte rivolto a Donald Trump: “Da 70 anni il popolo palestinese è in rivolta e continua a lottare per i suoi diritti”, ha dichiarato, ricordando che chi non resiste perderà il suo diritto al ritorno.

Musallam ha spiegato che incoraggia le persone che vanno alla frontiera con l’obiettivo di far ritorno nel loro Paese, dal quale furono espulsi dai sionisti. Ha inoltre lanciato un messaggio ai partecipanti alla Marcia: “Alzate le vostre mani verso Gerusalemme e dite ‘oh Gerusalemme, siamo i tuoi figli e ti offriamo tutte le nostre forze, il nostro spirito e i nostri sacrifici affinché tu sia liberata. Siamo determinati nel proteggerti e nel restituirti il tuo aspetto storico sacro perché noi siamo gli autoctoni”, riaffermando l’importanza del ritorno di ogni rifugiato alla sua terra da dove lui o i suoi antenati furono espulsi.

“Israele e l’America dovrebbero avere paura del sangue versato. Noi non resteremo schiavi perché non hanno umanità”, ha aggiunto.

Ha respinto ogni concessione a scapito dei diritti dei palestinesi, ripetendo “chi vuole diventare un asino in Israele, potrà farlo e dovrà sopportare tutti i fardelli dell’umiliazione, mentre gli uomini liberi combattono e non rinunciano mai a una singola briciola della loro patria. Israele non ha alcuna legittimità sui nostri Territori occupati”.

Musallam ha descritto Trump e Israele come dei terroristi: “Chi manipola il diritto internazionale, non lo rispetta e lo viola è il vero terrorista, nel verso senso della parola”.

Traduzione per InfoPal di Chiara Parisi

Sorgente: Grande Marcia per il Ritorno, padre Musallam: USA e Israele sono i veri terroristi | Infopal

Israele ha ricevuto poche critiche per le morti palestinesi

Di Patrick Cockburn

8 aprile  2018

Questo venerdì migliaia di dimostranti sono ritornati al confine e hanno dato fuoco a grossi mucchi di pneumatici per produrre una cortina fumogena nera che speravano li avrebbe nascosti ai cecchini israeliani. Il ministro della sanità di Gaza ha detto che sono state uccise 5 persone e che 1070 sono state ferite , comprese 293 uccise da munizioni vere.

I dimostranti sanno che cosa aspettarsi. Un video girato il primo giorno della manifestazione mostra un dimostrante che viene colpito alla schiena da un cecchino israeliano mentre si allontana dalla recinzione che separa Gaza da Israele. In un altro

filmato, dei Palestinesi vengono uccisi o feriti mentre pregano, camminano senza nulla in mano verso la recinzione del confine, o semplicemente reggono una bandiera palestinese. Tutti quelli che arrivano a una distanza di circa 275 m., sono etichettati come “istigatori” dall’esercito israeliano, i cui soldati hanno l’ordine di sparare contro di loro.

Nulla è stato  compiuto senza controllo: ogni cosa è stata precisa e misurata, e sappiamo dove è caduta ogni pallottola,” si dichiarava in un tweet delle forze armate israeliane il giorno dopo gli scontri del 30 marzo, all’inizio dei 45 giorni di quella che i palestinesi chiamano la “Grande Marcia del Ritorno” alle case che avevano a Israele 70 anni fa. Il tweet è stato cancellato subito dopo forse perché era venuto fuori il filmato di un dimostrante che veniva colpito alle spalle.

La  portata completa delle  vittime nel  primo giorno delle proteste, una settimana fa, è  impressionante : 16 persone uccise e 1415 ferite, delle quali 758 sono state colpite da munizioni vere, secondo i funzionari della sanità di Gaza. Queste cifre sono contestate da Israele che dice che i feriti ammontavano soltanto a poche dozzine. L’Osservatorio per i Diritti Umani ha però parlato con i medici dell’Ospedale Shifa a Gaza City che ha detto che avevano curato 294 dimostranti feriti, soprattutto “con ferite agli arti inferiori causate da munizioni vere.

Immaginate per un momento che non fossero due milioni di Palestinesi a Gaza che per lo più sono profughi del 1948, ma i 6 milioni di profughi siriani in Turchia, Libano e Giordania che avessero organizzato una marcia per tornare nelle loro case che avevano perduto in Siria fin dal 2011. Supponete che, mentre si avvicinavano al confine siriano venissero colpiti dal fuoco dell’esercito siriano e che centinaia di loro venissero uccisi o feriti. La Siria avrebbe certamente dichiarato che i dimostranti erano armati e pericolosi, anche se questo sarebbe stato contradetto dall’assenza di vittime tra i militari siriani.

Il grido di protesta internazionale contro il sanguinario regime siriano lanciato da Washington, Londra, Parigi e Berlino  sarebbe risuonato in tutto il mondo. Boris Johnson avrebbe denunciato Assad per essere un macellaio e Nikki Haley, l’ambasciatrice degli Stati Uniti all’ONU avrebbe tenuto in mano foto dei morti e dei moribondi di fronte al Consiglio di Sicurezza.

Naturalmente, Israele avrebbe negato furiosamente che ci fosse qualsiasi parallelo tra le due situazioni. Il portavoce del suo governo, David Keyes, ha rimproverato la CNN per avere usato la parola “protesta” , quando “ciò che è realmente accaduto è che Hamas ha progettato un evento con il quale volevano che migliaia di persone sciamassero a Israele, schiacciassero Israele e commettessero azioni terroristiche, In effetti, abbiamo catturato delle immagini di persone che sparavano, che piazzavano bombe, che sparavano razzi.”

In realtà non è mai venuta fuori nessuna fotografia di questi dimostranti presumibilmente bene armati. Quattro giorni dopo, però, l’Osservatorio per i Diritti Umani ha pubblicato un rapporto intitolato: illegali uccisioni a Gaza, illegali e calcolate. Funzionari israeliani –  Luce verde all’Uccisione di Dimostranti Disarmati, in cui si diceva che “non poteva trovare alcuna prova che qualche dimostrante usava armi da fuoco”. Aggiungeva che era venuto fuori che il filmato pubblicato dall’esercito israeliano che mostrava due uomini che sparavano a soldati israeliani non era stato girato durante la protesta.

I ministri israeliani sono imperturbabili di fronte al fatto che vengano screditate le affermazioni che i dimostranti costituiscono una minaccia militare per Israele. Il ministro della Difesa, Avigdor Lieberman ha detto che i soldati israeliani avevano tenuto lontani gli agenti del ramo militare di Hamas abilmente e risolutamente… Hanno il mio appoggio completo.” La politica del ‘fuoco a volontà’ sta continuano come prima e il risultato è che l’organizzazione israeliana per i diritti umani, B’Tselem, ha lanciato una campagna che si chiama “Mi spiace,  comandante, non posso sparare” che incoraggia i soldati a rifiutarsi di sparare a civili disarmati per il motivo che è un’azione illegale.

Perché l’aumento delle proteste israeliane arriva adesso e perché Israele reagisce così violentemente? Non c’è nulla di nuovo nelle dimostrazioni palestinesi per la perdita della loro terra e per la reazione militare aggressiva di Israele. Ci possono, però, essere motivi particolari per cui uno scontro accade adesso, come per esempio, la rabbia dei palestinesi per la decisione presa in dicembre dal Presidente Trump, di riconoscere Gerusalemme come capitale di Israele e per lo spostamento dell’ambasciata degli Stati Uniti da Tel Aviv a Gerusalemme. Questo ha pubblicizzato l’appoggio incondizionato di Washington alla posizione israeliana  e il

disprezzo degli Stati Uniti per i Palestinesi e per qualsiasi residua speranza che questi potrebbero dover ottenere almeno qualche concessione con l’aiuto degli Stati Uniti.

La stampa israeliana ha riferito che il forte appoggio da parte dell’amministrazione Trump è stato un ulteriore motivo per cui il Primo Ministro israeliano, Benjamin Netanyahu pensa che una cattiva pubblicità per le sparatorie a Gaza non danneggeranno la posizione di Israele negli Stati Uniti. In passato, controversie sui massacri di Palestinesi o di Libanesi compiuti di Israele, ha talvolta provocato una reazione negativa degli Stati Uniti che ha limitato l’uso della forza da parte di Israele.

Finora Israele affrontato poche critiche da media internazionali che non sono interessati alla storia di Gaza, oppure sono contenti di essere d’accordo con l’interpretazione degli eventi che fa Israele. Il vocabolario usato dagli organi di stampa è spesso rivelatore: per esempio, il sito web della BBC il 31 marzo aveva un titolo che diceva: “Confine tra Gaza e Israele: scontri provocano la morte di 16 Palestinesi e il ferimento di centinaia”. La parola “scontri” implica il combattimento tra due gruppi in grado di combattersi, anche se, come dice l’Osservatorio per i Diritti Umani, i dimostranti non pongono alcuna minaccia a una macchina militare israeliana che ha un potere assoluto – un argomento rafforzato dal fatto che tutti i morti e i feriti sono palestinesi.

Probabilmente gli Israeliani stanno valutando male l’impatto dell’uso eccessivo della forza sull’opinione: nell’età dell’ wifi e di internet, le immagini esplicite delle vittime di violenze vengono trasmesse immediatamente al mondo, spesso con un effetto devastante. Come in Siria e in Iraq, il prezzo politico dell’assedio o del blocco di zone urbane come Gaza o la Ghouta Orientale sta aumentando perché è impossibile che impedire che le informazioni sulle sofferenze di coloro intrappolati dentro queste enclave diventino pubbliche, anche se questo potrebbe non avere alcun impatto sul corso degli eventi.

Contrariamente alle dichiarazioni di Keyes, ‘idea di una dimostrazione di massa contro la recinzione   sembra essere emersa per la prima volta sui media sociali a Gazam ed è soltanto in seguito adottata da Hamas. E’ l’unica strategia che probabilmente mostra dei risultati per i Palestinesi perché non hanno alcuna opzione militare, né alleati potenti, e la loro leadership è moribonda e corrotta. Hanno però i numeri: un recente rapporto al parlamento israeliano dice che ci sono grosso modo 6,5 milioni arabi palestinesi che e un uguale numero di cittadini ebrei in Israele e in Cisgiordania, senza contare quelli a Gerusalemme Est e a Gaza. Di solito Israele ha avuto maggiore difficoltà a trattare con movimenti di massa come quelli non violenti per i diritti civili tra i Palestinesi, rispetto a quella avuta a combattere le insorgenze armate.

Keyes sostiene che le dimostrazioni sono organizzate da Hamas, ma, anche in questo caso, si sbaglia su un punto importante, perché i testimoni sul posto dicono che l’impulso per le proteste arriva da gruppi non politici e da individui. Esprimono la frustrazione con i leader palestinesi falliti, divisi ed egoisti, sia di Hamas che di Fatah. L’aspetto più pericoloso della situazione nei termini del suo potenziale di violenza, potrebbe essere che nessuno è realmente responsabile.

Nella foto: | Gaza: i dimostranti  palestinesi bruciano centinaia di pneumatici,

Da: Z Net – Lo spirito della resistenza è vivo


Originale: The Independent

Traduzione di Maria Chiara Starace

Traduzione © 2018 ZNET Italy – Licenza Creative Commons  CC BY NC-SA 3.0

Come nascondere un massacro?

Media internazionali e nazionali hanno raccontato in modo vergognoso, parziale e profondamente scorretto quanto accaduto ieri a Gaza. Ma i fatti e le immagini parlano più di qualunque menzogna.

La popolazione palestinese è stata abituata negli anni alla disinformazione per quanto riguarda la narrazione dominante rispetto alle proprie vicende.

Quanto accaduto ieri, nel primo giorno della Great Return March ha ampiamente superato il limite della vergogna e della decenza e non solo in Italia.

I fatti sono abbastanza espliciti ed inequivocabili, quasi 20.000 persone si sono avvicinate alla barriera tra la Striscia e Israele a partire da sei accampamenti lungo il perimetro, invadendo quella buffer zone, o zona cuscinetto che percorre tutta la frontiera, permanentemente interdetta alla coltivazione e all’accesso. A parte un singolo isolato caso di due militanti della Jihad islamica che erano armati (e sono stati subito uccisi dall’esercito israeliano) tutti i manifestanti hanno utilizzato esclusivamente modalità di protesta popolari e nonviolente,avvicinandosi al muro di separazione disarmati, a volto scoperto, assieme a bambini e donne.

La repressione si è trasformata in un vero e proprio massacro, si parla ad oggi di 16 morti e più di mille feriti. Hamas, pure ovviamente presente durante la marcia, non ha avuto un ruolo centrale: questa è stata convocata da una larga coalizione che include anche tutti i pezzi laici e di sinistra della società civile palestinese. Non a caso, parti della sinistra israeliana si sono organizzate nei giorni scorsi per manifestare il proprio supporto dall’altra parte del muro. Nessun soldato israeliano è stato ferito nella giornata di ieri.

Vediamo cosa riportano i giornali.  Repubblica parla di «violenti scontri» «violentissima battaglia». Perché un massacro di persone disarmate diventa improvvisamente una battaglia? Una battaglia linguisticamente parlando è un confronto tra due entità armate.  La Stampa titola «Hamas sposta le masse al confine e punta al ritorno dei profughi del 1948» mentre l’articolo è ancora peggiore: «La strategia adottata da Hamas ha messo in difficoltà Israele e costretto i suoi militari nella difficile posizione di chi deve sparare sui civili. L’esercito se lo aspettava, perché i preparativi andavano avanti da giorni, ma non era facile trovare contromisure».  Del resto, cosa altro si può fare davanti a migliaia di persone disarmate che vanno verso un confine invalicabile, se non sparare?

Il Corriere (che oggi ha già spostato molto giù l’articolo) riporta «La “Marcia del ritorno” finisce in un bagno di sangue: l’esercito ebraico risponde con caccia e blindati all’attacco dei manifestanti: bombardati 3 siti di Hamas». A quale attacco si risponde con caccia e blindati? A quello di migliaia di persone disarmate?

Il Messaggero si unisce alla definizione «scontri al confine» e riporta un articolo in cui sono virgolettati solo comunicati dell’esercito israeliano e di media israeliani, i palestinesi non meritano neanche il microfono, strana deontologia professionale.

Anche a livello internazionale la giornata è stata riportata in modo non meno grave, come Mondoweiss sottolinea, riportando la lettura estremamente parziale e ingiusta dello stesso New York Times.

Ieri la popolazione di Gaza ha dimostrato coraggio e capacità di mobilitazione impensabili dopo anni di prigionia dentro la Striscia dove le condizioni di vita sono impossibili, come ha raccontato recentemente Dinamo.

Per ricordare chi ieri è stato ucciso, per sostenere chi ha creduto nella Great Return March e continuerà a crederci nei prossimi giorni, pubblichiamo questa photogallery tratta dal portale indipendente

Sorgente: Come nascondere un massacro? – DINAMOpress

Strage a Gaza


Nel momento in cui mandiamo in stampa questo comunicato, almeno 16 sono i palestinesi uccisi a Gaza,  e migliaia i feriti, alcuni gravemente, come ha dichiarato il Ministro della sanità palestinese, che ha lanciato un appello alla popolazione per donazioni di sangue.

La situazione è tanto più grave in quanto gli ospedali di Gaza sono allo stremo per mancanza di presidi sanitari e medicochirurgici, farmaci, energia e rifornimenti idrici a causa del blocco di Israele che dura da 11 anni.

Ieri era il 42 esimo anniversario della “Giornata della Terra”, che commemora i  palestinesi uccisi  dalla polizia israeliana in Galilea, mentre protestavano contro la confisca della propria terra.

In questa occasione diverse organizzazioni politiche palestinesi hanno promosso la “Marcia del ritorno”, iniziativa che si dovrebbe concludere il 15 maggio in occasione dell’anniversario della Nakba, la “catastrofe” allorché oltre 800.000 palestinesi 70 anni fa, nel 1948, furono espulsi dalle loro o trucidati.

Da giovedì 29 marzo decine di migliaia di palestinesi si sono accampati a 700 metri dal confine, e ieri si sono messi in marcia verso la fascia, che per una larghezza di 300 metri dal  muro che separa Gaza da Israele, non può essere calpestata da palestinesi, nemmeno per coltivare le proprie terre, senza  correre il rischio di essere colpiti da armi da fuoco. E infatti, ieri mattina il primo palestinese ad essere ucciso è stato un coltivatore di Gaza.

Questa zona è stata dichiarata “area militare chiusa”, e qui si sono schierate le forze israeliane con oltre 100 tiratori scelti, squadre speciali e carrarmati, dichiarando che chiunque avesse osato penetrare nell’area sarebbe stato colpito con munizioni vive.

E questo è successo: non appena migliaia di palestinesi, tra cui moltissime donne, in numero crescente hanno iniziato a manifestare e camminare pacificamente, sono stati accolti da una pioggia di gas lacrimogeni, pallottole di acciaio ricoperte di gomma e munizioni vere.

Non vi sono stati “scontri” e azioni violente da parte dei palestinesi, come riferiscono i media nostrani che si basano esclusivamente sui comunicatidell’esercito israeliano.

E’ stata l’intera popolazione della Striscia ad andare e venire verso i confini. Da nord a sud della striscia sono arrivati sin dalle prime ore del giorno donne, uomini, bambini, anziani, disabili, a piedi, in moto, in macchina, con il ciuco o il cavallo. Con la sola bandiera palestinese

Per gridare al mondo che hanno voglia di vivere e di andare sulla loro terra anche oltre il confine, che non vogliono e non possono continuare a stare chiusi in una prigione a cielo aperto.

Volti sorridenti, fiori in mano anche se spari e gas cadevano su di loro ferendo e uccidendo.

Nessuna battaglia campale come purtroppo i nostri media stanno descrivendo, nessun provocatore ma una grande forza popolare per la libertà.

La Comunità internazionale non può continuare a voltarsi dall’altra parte. Vi è una sola risposta che deve essere data perché cessi lo strazio odierno e di ben 11 anni di embargo: che Israele tolga il blocco  totale che lentamente sta uccidendo la popolazione di Gaza e che l’ONU intervenga  immediatamente per proteggere la popolazione civile.

31 marzo 2018 – Rete Romana di Solidarietà con il popolo palestinese –

Sorgente: Per Gaza, per la vita, terra, libertà della Palestina e dei Palestinesi | Assopace Palestina

Giornata della Terra nella Striscia di Gaza: 15 Palestinesi uccisi e oltre 1400 feriti

Nella Striscia di Gaza sotto assedio israelo-egiziani la popolazione è in marcia, pacificamente, per commemorare la Giornata della Terra, Yom al-Ard.

Da giorni, Israele ha piazzato cecchini, truppe e droni pronti a sparare.

Al momento, 15 Palestinesi sono stati uccisi e oltre 1400 sono stati feriti.

Venerdì, decine di migliaia di palestinesi nella Striscia di Gaza sono confluiti al confine orientale della Striscia con Israele, radunandosi per affermare il loro diritto di tornare alle loro case native nella Palestina storica.

I raduni sono sostenuti da praticamente tutte le fazioni politiche palestinesi, che hanno ripetutamente sottolineato la natura pacifica dell’evento.

A mezzogiorno, decine di migliaia di palestinesi erano già arrivati ​​in diverse aree lungo il confine nella Striscia di Gaza settentrionale, centrale e meridionale, secondo i corrispondenti della zona.

Gli accampamenti sono stati allestiti lungo il confine – a soli 700 metri dalla barriera, in alcuni casi -per i sit-in a tempo indeterminato programmati dopo le marce del venerdì.

Gli attivisti palestinesi hanno descritto gli accampamenti come “il punto d’inizio per il nostro ritorno alla terra da cui siamo stati espulsi nel 1948”.

Alcuni di quelli che hanno preso parte alle marce di venerdì hanno scritto, all’entrata delle loro tende, i nomi delle città o dei villaggi da cui le loro famiglie furono sfollate.

Gli organizzatori hanno anche fornito un servizio di autobus gratuito al confine per chiunque voglia prendere parte all’evento.

A mezzogiorno, i funzionari sanitari palestinesi stavano già segnalando alcuni feriti alla frontiera.

Soprannominata “Great Return March”, i raduni di questo venerdì nella Striscia di Gaza coincidono anche con la Giornata della Terra, che commemora l’assassinio di sei palestinesi da parte delle forze israeliane nel 1976.

thanks to: Infopal

15 Palestinians shot dead as Gazans hold mass rallies

Israeli military forces have shot and killed 15 Palestinians during massive anti-Israeli rallies staged by thousands along Gaza-Israel borders.

Palestinian medical officials say at least 15 Palestinians have lost their lives and more than a thousand others sustained injuries when Israeli military forces opened fire on thousands of protesters, who have flocked to a sit-in near the border fence between the Gaza Strip and occupied Palestinian territories.

Spokesman for the Gaza Ministry of Health, Ashraf al-Qidra, said three were fatally shot east of the southern Gaza Strip city of Khan Yunis, Jabalia, located 4 kilometers (2.5 miles) north of Gaza City as well as the border town of Rafah.

He identified the victims as 27-year-old Omar Wahid Abu Samour, Mohammed Kamal Al-Najjar, 25, and 38-year-old Mahmoud Muammar.

The fourth was Mohammed Abu Omar, 22, who was shot and killed east of Shuja’iyya neighborhood of Gaza City.

Ahmed Oudeh, 19, 33-year-old Jihad Farina and Mahmoud Sa’di Rahmi were all killed east of Gaza City as well.

A 22-year-old Palestinian man, identified as Ibrahim Abu Sha’ar, was also shot dead east of Rafah.

Abdel Fattah Bahjat Abdelnee, 18, and 42-year-old Abdul Qader Mardhi al-Hawajri also lost their lives in Israeli attacks shortly afterwards.

Six more Palestinian protesters were also killed in the Israeli assaults.

Al-Qidra added that nearly 1,500 protesters were also injured during the rally.

Israeli drone fires teargas on protesters

An Israeli drone was filmed firing several rounds of teargas on the protesters near the Gaza border. An AFP correspondent said several people were injured by the containers, which fell from a height of between 10 and 20 meters.

Amnesty International slams Israel’s land expropriation policies

Meanwhile, human rights organization Amnesty International has condemned the Tel Aviv regime’s policies of land confiscation and dispossession, calling on Israeli authorities to stop them.

The Britain-based organization, in a post published on its official Twitter page on Friday, stated Israel’s policies of land theft exacerbate the sufferings of the Palestinian nation, and deprive them of their basic rights.

A picture taken on March 30, 2018 shows Palestinians taking part in a tent city protest erected along the border with Israel east of Gaza City in the Gaza strip to commemorate Land Day. (Photo by AFP)

We won’t concede ‘a single inch of Palestine’

Later in the day, Hamas political bureau chief Ismail Haniyeh arrived at the “return camps” along the eastern Gaza border and spoke to protesters.

In a statement broadcast on Palestinian television, Haniyeh said, “We welcome the Palestinian people everywhere, who have defeated the enemy leaders’ gamble that the old die and the young forget. Here are the young people, the grandparents and the grandchildren.”

“We will not concede a single inch of the land of Palestine and do not recognize the Israeli entity. We promise Trump and all those who stand by his business and his plot that we are not giving up on Jerusalem al-Quds, and there is no solution but for the right of return,” Haniyeh added.

The Palestinian rally, dubbed the “Great March of Return,” will last until May 15, which coincides with the 70th anniversary of Nakba Day (Day of Catastrophe) on which Israel was created.

Every year on May 15, Palestinians all over the world hold demonstrations to commemorate Nakba Day, which marks the anniversary of the forcible eviction of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their homeland by Israelis in 1948.

More than 760,000 Palestinians – now estimated to number nearly five million with their descendants – were driven out of their homes on May 14, 1948.

Since 1948, the Israeli regime has denied Palestinian refugees the right to return, despite United Nations resolutions and international law that upholds people’s right to return to their homelands.

Israeli soldiers take aim as they lie prone over an earth barrier along the border with the Gaza strip in the southern Israeli kibbutz of Nahal Oz on March 30, 2018, as Palestinians demonstrate on the other side commemorating Land Day. (Photo by AFP)

This year’s Land Day demonstrations appear especially combustible as Palestinian anger is already high over US President Donald Trump’s decision in December to recognize Jerusalem al-Quds as Israel’s “capital.”

Israel occupied the West Bank, East Jerusalem al-Quds and parts of Syria’s Golan Heights during the Six-Day War in 1967. It later annexed East Jerusalem al-Quds in a move not recognized by the international community.

Israel is required to withdraw from all the territories seized in the war under the United Nations Security Council Resolution 242, adopted months after the Six-Day War, in November 1967, but the Tel Aviv regime has been in non-compliance of that piece of international law ever since.

Sorgente: PressTV-15 Palestinians shot dead as Gazans hold mass rallies

Gaza: Donne incinte ed i loro neonati contaminati da metalli pesanti legati agli attacchi israeliani

La rivista scientifica British Medical Journal  Open ha pubblicato uno studio svolto a Gaza su 502 donne in gravidanza al momento degli attacchi israeliani del 2014. Questo lavoro riporta un alto tasso di contaminazione nei capelli in metalli pesanti nelle donne esposte agli attacchi e  in proporzione nei i capelli dei loro bambini.

5 Agosto 2017, Paola Manduca, Prof. Genetics
Genoa, Italy

I metalli pesanti utilizzati durante le guerre, contengono elementi tossici, teratogeni e cancerogeni. Essi sono noti come perturbatori endocrini. Essi sono resistenti nell’ambiente, si accumulano nel corpo, ed i loro effetti sugli esseri viventi persistono ancor più se questi metalli pesanti non vengono rimossi dall’ambiente (armi, schegge, missili, rovine contaminate …). Ricercatori italiani, finlandesi e di Gaza hanno dimostrato che la contaminazione da metalli pesanti è un fattore di rischio  a lungo termine per la salute delle donne incinte e dei loro bambini.

Questi ricercatori hanno analizzato la quantità di 23 tipi di metalli nei capelli delle donne  di Gaza, che erano in stato di gravidanza durante l’estate del 2014, e in quelli dei bambini a cui hanno dato luce più tardi, e trovato che queste erano superiori al contenuto dei metalli nei capelli di donne al di fuori di zone di guerra.

Essi hanno anche studiato la trasmissione in utero metalli pesanti, così come la possibilità che l’assunzione fosse dovuta a fattori diversi ed estranei alla guerra.

Lo studio ha usato spettrometria con plasma-massa (ICP-MS) e sono stati fatti confronti con gruppi esposti agli agenti chimici domestici e agricoli.

I risultati mostrano un carico in metalli pesante significativamente più alto per le donne esposte ad attacchi militari, proporzionale ma piu basso nei loro neonati che però sono più frequentemente colpite da difetti congeniti o nati prematuramente.

E’ stata raccolta testimonianza e poi documentata con visite in loco,  la frequenza di esposizione ad attacchi militari delle donne; circa il 70% delle madri, sono state coinvolte in attacchi, il che suggerisce una alta contaminazione  di tutta la popolazione.

Gli autori raccomandano “monitoraggio, biomonitoraggio e sorveglianza nel tempo  su questo tema di ricerca di interesse pubblico” per il quale, fanno notare, “non siamo in grado di sapere se c’è anche il rischio di effetti transgenerazionali”.  Difetti congeniti sono stati osservati più frequentemente nei nati da madri esposte ad attacchi militari in Iraq e a Gaza (dopo gli attacchi nel 2008-2009).

Gli autori della ricerca sono Paola Manduca, Safwat Y Diab, R Qouta Samir Nabil Albarqouni, Raiija-Leena Punamaki, con la collaborazione di Fabrizio Minichilli, e Fabrizio Bianchi per l’analisi statistica.

Articolo integrale.

Documento completo in inglese, formato PDF.

Invictapalestina ringrazia tutti coloro che partecipando alla nostra iniziativa del 2014, ci hanno permesso di contribuire al finanziamento della ricerca con 500 euro.

thanks to: invictapalestina

A cross sectional study of the relationship between the exposure of pregnant women to military attacks in 2014 in Gaza and the load of heavy metal contaminants in the hair of mothers and newborns


  1. Paola Manduca1,
  2. Safwat Y Diab2,
  3. Samir R Qouta3,
  4. Nabil MA Albarqouni3,
  5. Raiija-Leena Punamaki4

Author affiliations

  1. DISTAV, University of Genoa, Genova, Italy
  2. Al-Quds Open University-Gaza Branch, Gaza, Gaza Strip, Palestine
  3. Islamic University of Gaza, Gaza, Palestine
  4. University of Tampere, School of Social Sciences and Humanities/Psychology, Tampere, Finland
  1. Correspondence to Prof. Paola Manduca;


Objective Metal contamination of humans in war areas has rarely been investigated. Weaponry’s heavy metals become environmentally stable war remnants and accumulate in living things. They also pose health risks in terms of prenatal intake, with potential long term risks for reproductive and children’s health. We studied the contribution of military attacks to the load of 23 metals in the hair of Palestinian women in the Gaza Strip, who were pregnant at the time of the military attacks in 2014, and their newborns. We compared the metal load in the mothers with values for adult hair from outside the war area (RHS) as the reference. We investigated heavy metals trans-passing in utero, and assessed if the heavy metal intake could derive from sources unrelated to the war.

Design Cross sectional study.

Participants and setting Cross sectional convenience sample of 502 mothers delivering in the Gaza Strip and their newborns.

Main outcome measured Measure of the load of heavy metals in mother and newborn hair by inductively coupled plasma-mass spectrometry (ICP-MS). Comparison of metal loads with the reference RHS, between groups with different exposures to attacks and house/agriculture chemicals, and between mothers and newborns. Data for birth registry and for exposures to war and other known risk factors were obtained at interview with the mothers. Photographic documentation of damage from military attacks was obtained.

Results The whole cross sectional convenience sample had a significantly higher load of heavy metals than the reference RHS. Women exposed to military attacks had a significantly higher load of heavy metals than those not exposed; the load in newborns correlated positively with the mothers’ load. No significant difference was found between users/non-users of house/agriculture chemicals. No other known confounder was identified.

Conclusions High heavy metal loads in mothers, reflected in those of their newborns, were associated with exposure to military attacks, posing a risk of immediate and long term negative outcomes for pregnancy and child health. Surveillance, biomonitoring and further research are recommended. Implications for general and public health are discussed.

This is an Open Access article distributed in accordance with the Creative Commons Attribution Non Commercial (CC BY-NC 4.0) license, which permits others to distribute, remix, adapt, build upon this work non-commercially, and license their derivative works on different terms, provided the original work is properly cited and the use is non-commercial. See:

Strength and limitations of this study

  • The lack of ‘never exposed to war’ controls within Gaza is a limitation of the study which cannot be overcome.

  • A general limitation of this type of study is that the risks posed in the long term by the intake of multiple heavy metals are still largely unknown in humans, and in particular during pregnancy.

  • The size of the sample, while adequate to identify the correlation between levels of heavy metals with environmental exposure, is not large enough to accurately study the negative outcomes at birth (birth defects and preterm) due to their low frequency.

  • A strength of the study is the inclusion of a relatively large cross sectional convenience sample of participants, allowing for subgroups of exposure, suitable in size for statistical analysis.

  • An important point was the inclusion of analyis of newborn hair in for metal load. .

  • Verification by in loco visits the recall of exposure of women on an objective basis gives additional strength to the study.

  • Development of a questionnaire and of procedures that allowed information to be obtained on various habits and different potentially risky environmental exposures, -allowing to exclude some more likely potential confounders.

  • The analysis of microelements and metals not associated with weaponry provided an internal control for the analytic results.


Women and children are highly vulnerable during periods of war and military attacks, as well as in the aftermath of war, because of the possibility of the long term effects of war related environmental changes on reproductive and infant health. Accumulation in human bodies of toxicants and heavy metal teratogens found in the remnants of war occurs, that, coupled with their long persistence in the environment, suggests a considerable risk for health.1–6 The effects of toxicants, teratogens and carcinogens related to heavy metals have been found in embryos at concentrations lower than in adults.7 8 During the first trimester of pregnancy, major morphogenetic events occur, and is the period of highest sensitivity of the embryo to external effectors. Apart from the mutational risks posed by some of the heavy metals, there is compelling evidence of their prevalent epigenetic mechanisms of action.8–15 Heavy metals act as endocrine disruptors,8 and their interference with gene expression causes disturbances in various metabolic and hormonal pathways.9 The epigenetic mechanisms are an essential part of the current understanding of the developmental origin of health and disease.11–15 Reports show that heavy metals accumulate in specific body compartments and can be released during pregnancy.9 12–15 However, relatively little is known about the kinetics, modalities and accumulation of heavy metals in compartments of the human body. Also, not much is known about the following phenomena: the effects of human subjects’ concurrent intake of multiple toxic metals, the kinetics of the passage of heavy metals through the placenta and the critical concentrations that affect the embryo and fetus.

In addition to the risks posed by acute exposure, persistence of heavy metals in the environment may cause people to be continually exposed which, combined with the accumulation of heavy metals in different compartments of the body, adds to the concerns about the long term negative effects on health. The long term effects of metals via epigenetic mechanisms can occur in mothers, fetuses exposed in utero and in breastfed infants and children; these effects could even be transgenerational.10–13 16 17

Military attacks are a source of heavy metal input in war zone environments, and may influence the health of the population and affect the outcomes of pregnancies.4 16 The prevalence of birth defects increased in areas heavily exposed to military attacks in Iraq,18 and in Gaza after the Israeli military operation of Cast Lead in 2008–200919 and since the implementation of air delivered weapons in attacks.20 Previous research in Gaza also showed that women’s exposure to military attacks (courtesy of the database of the United Nations’ mine action team) correlated with a higher incidence of progeny with birth defects.20 21 Hair analysis for metal load of infants born prematurely or with birth defects to mothers who experienced military attacks revealed in utero contamination of the babies. The heavy metal load in these newborns was higher than that of normal newborn babies for teratogens (mercury and selenium) in babies with birth defects and for toxicants (barium and tin) in premature babies.22 Together, the data show an association of the damage to newborn health with maternal exposure to attacks, and the trans-placental passage of wartime heavy metal remnants from exposed mothers to their progeny in utero.

Three major wars, with their complex consequences for the environment, may have been the single most influential determinant of change in the living conditions and in the demography of Gaza from 2008 to 2014. The context of the current study is the aftermath of the 2014 Israeli military operation ‘Protective edge’ in Gaza, which lasted for 55 days and had massive effects on civilian life. This operation left widespread structural destruction,23–28 with physical remnants of war, including components of weapons, shrapnel and missiles, as well as environmentally stable chemical elements and contaminated ruins, throughout the area.29 The weapons used in these attacks were documented by the United Nations and other reputable sources, and included missiles, mortars, explosive devices and bombs of various sizes, with or without penetrator heads. The content of heavy metals in each weapon differed, and each had a different range of spread, from metres to hundreds of metres or more.23–29 The Israeli government does not make available a list of weapons used, and all data are directly from United Nations’ agencies and independent witnesses on the ground. Removal of explosive war remnants and the debris of demolition began only 6–8 months after the end of hostilities and involved the creation of open air deposits and the reuse of materials from demolished structures. No transfers of debris could be conducted outside the area of the Gaza Strip.29 Thus any contamination due to the 2014 war remained in the local environment from the time of the attacks throughout the period of our study.

The aim of the study was to investigate whether there were changes in the metal load of a representative segment of the female population after military attacks, particularly with respect to heavy metal contaminants with known teratogen, toxicant and carcinogenic effects, which could pose long term risks for health because of their stability in the environment and tendency to accumulate in the human body. We investigated the extent of exposure to attacks in a cross sectional convenience sample of women who had been in their first trimester of pregnancy during the attacks in the summer of 2014 and who entered one of four major maternity hospitals in Gaza for delivery. The correlation between maternal contamination and their newborns’ was also investigated.



Participants were 502 mothers who were in their first trimester of pregnancy during the 2014 war on Gaza and who delivered between late January and March 2015 in one of four maternity wards: Al-Shifa (n=202), Al-Awda (n=100), Al-Nasser (n=100) and Al-Aqsa (n=100). All participants were residents in one of four Gaza Strip governorates. There were no exclusion criteria at enrollment; no participant data were discarded after the interviews, and all donated hair samples were analysed.


One midwife in each hospital registered all the deliveries occurring during her work shift and obtained the participants’ written informed consent for participation in the study. The midwife collected the hair samples from mothers and newborns. The midwife also administered a face to face interview with the mothers, following a prepared questionnaire.20–22 This included the standards of European and US birth registers and was integrated previously to include the health history of the extended family (to the second degree), and questions about environmental exposure, including the mothers’ recollections of their exposures to military attacks and a variety of potentially risky habits. This questionnaire was thus an apt tool for the surveillance of changes in reproductive health, including of the inherited component of newborn congenital diseases, and it was useful for establishing correlations with major environmental changes in Gaza. The Palestinian Health Research Council and the Helsinki Committee for Ethical Approval approved the study. The Research Board in the Islamic University of Gaza, Palestine, reviewed and approved the research tools and procedures. Mothers’ recollections of their exposures to attacks were corroborated with objectively documented damage to their dwellings, if the women reported the attacks occurring while they were at home.


In the present study, the metal load in the hair of mothers and newborns was determined by inductively coupled plasma-mass spectrometry (ICP-MS) using the methodology recommended by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) for testing human exposure to environmental metals.30 We analysed women’s and newborns’ hair for the metal components of weaponry already identified in 2009 at weapons’ wound sites in the bodies of victims of attacks.6 We had also detected these metal components contaminating the hair samples of 65 of 95 children tested 1 year after the attacks of Cast lead (Manduca, unpublished data). We also found some of these metals contaminating the hair of newborns in 2011.21 22 Finally, we tested 23 metals, including known weapon components and war remnants, such as lead (Pb), barium (Ba), mercury (Hg), arsenic (As), zinc (Zn), cadmium (Cd), tin (Sn), uranium (U), tungsten (W) and aluminium (Al). As an internal control, we also measured other metals and microelements that have biological relevance but are not weapons related.

We compared the metal load of thecross sectional convenience sample of Gaza women with values for adult hair from outside the war area (RHS).31 We analysed whether the metal loads in mothers were correlated with those in newborns.

Heavy metal concentrations are expressed as ppm (parts per million). Maternal hair (4 cm) was taken nearest to the scalp at the nape of the neck, which reflected environmental exposure during the last 4–5 months of pregnancy and the eventual release of metals previously accumulated in the body. Hair from newborns reflected the accumulation of metals through life in utero.

All hair was preserved in plastic bags until the moment of analysis, according to the recommendations of the IAEA, in the Pacific Rim Laboratory, ISO/Tec 17 250 accredited (Canada). Analytical procedures were performed according to previous protocols.19 In brief, 0.2 g of washed hair was added to 2 mL of HNO3 and 2 mL of H2O2, heated to 85°C for 2 hours and added at room temperature to 6 mL of water. Samples were run in Agilent 7700. The limits of detection (ppm) were: aluminium (Al) and iron (Fe) 0.4; magnesium (Mg), copper (Cu), lead (Pb), manganese (Mn) and titanium (Ti) 0.04; barium (Ba), cobalt (Co) and chromium (Cr) 0.02; arsenic (As), cesium (Cs) and molybdenum (Mo) 0.001; cadmium (Cd) and uranium (U) 0.0001; mercury (Hg) 0.0004; nickel (Ni) 0.15; selenium (Se) 0.22; tin (Sn) and tungsten (W) 0.03; strontium (Sr) 0.01; vanadium (V) 0.002; and zinc (Zn) 0.3. Experimental values below the limits of detection for each metal were considered equal to 0 0 for the purposes of statistical analysis, which was conducted using median values. Commercial analytical standards of hair for calibration purposes were run in parallel (NCS ZC 81002b and NCS DC73347a; China National Analysis Centre for Iron and Steel).

Exposure to military attacks

The variable exposure of women to military attacks was indicated by self-reporting and verified by photographic documentation. Women responded ‘yes’ or ‘no’ to five questions: whether their own house was bombed during the 2014 war, whether the house next door was bombed during the 2014 war, whether they were inside their home at the time of the attack, whether they were displaced afterwards and whether they found spent ammunition inside their dweling. Based on these answers, they were grouped according to their ‘proximity of exposure to attacks’. The concept of proximal exposure was formulated on the realisation that attacks very often involved the spread of weapons’ parts to adjacent houses. The term ‘proximally exposed” was used to identify women whose homes or neighbouring homes were attacked. The proximally exposed group was divided into two subgroups according to their continuous habitation in the places where the attacks occurred: women who remained in or next to the house that had been bombarded or shelled, and women who moved elsewhere at some time after the attack. Creation of these subgroups reflects the concern that women with ongoing residence at the locations of the attacks might have had different exposures to war remnants than those who had moved. This concern was, ultimately, unfounded. A third group included women who had no recollection of any exposure. In October 2015, we visited the women in subgroups 1 and 2 and photographically documented the damage that had occurred during the military attacks on their dwellings.

Exposure to potential civilian sources of metal contamination

We tested whether other known potential sources of contamination by heavy metals correlated with the mothers’ distribution of metal load. Women were asked about their own use of agricultural substances (pesticides, herbicides, fungicides) and generic household chemicals of unknown composition, their consumption of three main types of medicines and of three prenatal prevention supplements, their use of three available sources of water for drinking and cooking, their frequency of eating fish and their history of smoking. For statistical analyses, a dichotomy variable was formed with 1=women reporting the use of agricultural and household chemicals and 2=non-users.

Statistical methods

The metal loads (ppm) found in the hair of mothers, reported as median values and interquartile ranges, were statistically compared. The first analysis involved the 95th percentile values of the whole cohort and of each exposure group compared with those values for the hair from adults of both sexes from areas unaffected by war (RHS, Germany, by Micro Trace Minerals, MTM; USA by Trace Minerals International, TMI).31 No equivalent reference was available for the newborns’ metal load. The second analysis compared the metal loads within the cross sectional convenience sample between groups proximally exposed and unexposed to military attacks. The third analysis compared the metal loads between users and non-users of agricultural and household chemicals.

In analysing the findings in this study, quantile regression analysis was used because it allowed for the modelling of any percentile or quartile of the outcome, represented in this study by metal distribution, including the median. Furthermore, the Shapiro–Wilk and Pearson’s χ2 normality tests showed that metal concentrations were not normally distributed, and log transformation did not lead to satisfactory results. Quantile regression analysis has the advantage of being more robust against outliers in the outcome variables than least squares regression (linear) and, as a semi-parametric tool, it avoids assumptions about the parametric distribution of the error process.

The relationships between 23 metal concentrations and exposures to military attacks were analysed by multiple quantile regression models, least absolute value models (LAV or MAD) and minimum L1 norm models.32 The quantile regression models, fit by QREG STATA COMMAND, express the quantiles and the conditional distribution as linear functions of the independent variables which, in this case, are exposure and any confounders. Spearman correlations were used to identify the associations between mothers’ and newborns’ metal concentrations. All analyses were performed using STATA v.13.


In this sample, median age of the women was 26.9±5.92 years (range 16–52), and 2.5% of participants were younger than 18 years. Of the 502 women, 26.7% were carrying their first pregnancy during the war, and the majority (88.8%) worked at home. Prenatal care efforts, including consumption of iron, vitamins and folic acid, were undertaken by 89% of women. A total of 29% reported a diagnosis of anaemia while 0.5% reported a diagnosis of diabetes. The prevalence of preterm delivery was 1.5%; the prevalence of low birth weight (<2.5 kg) was 2.3%. Of the infants in the study, 4.5% were born with birth defects, and all were born alive, although one baby died in the minutes after birth.

Figure 1A shows the percentages of participants residing in each of the four governorates and whether they were displaced after the military attacks. Information about the exact locations of displacement was not available. Figure 1B shows that 32.4% of women reported weapon hits directly on their own house and 14.7% found war remnants inside the dwelling. Among women whose houses were directly hit (n=163), 63% (n=103) were inside the house during the military attack (Figure 1C). Thus a fifth (20.4%) of all women were in their own home  under the attack, and almost half (46.6%) of these found war remnants, generally shrapnel and shells, inside their houses. In addition, 11.9% of the women whose houses were not directly hit reported that weapons remnants reached the interior of their home from military attacks to neighbouring buildings, suggesting a wide radius of the spread of fragments from the blasts.

Figure 1

-C Localization of the mothers during attacks. (A) The residence of the 502 mothers. In black those residing in late 2015 in the same place as during the attacks in gray those displaced afterwards. (B) Left column, percentage of women in the 502 cross sectional convenience sample that reported that their own housing was hit directly and right column, those that found parts of ammunitions in their house. (C) Percentage of women that were inside their house under the attack .

In October 2015, 78 women of the 103 whose homes were hit while they were inside were contacted, and the damage to 49 homes was recorded (in photographs) in order to objectively document the military attacks. Figure 2A shows the number of the visited homes whose damages were photographed ; of these 63% still exhibited the damage from the attacks.  Ten houses were totally destroyed, 15 exhibited major damage and 24 displayed minor damage (Figure 2B and Figure 1 in the online supplement).

Figure 2 A-B

Reported attacks on the housing of the women in the cross sectional convenience sample (n=502). (A) Seventy eight of the 103 women who experienced a direct attack on their house while they were inside it were visited in October 2015. The damages that were still visible were documented by photography. (B) Damages observed  classified according to their impact on the structure.

Subgroups for personal exposure to military attacks were generated in order to investigate associations between the load of metals in women’s hair and their proximity to the military attacks. Figure 3 shows the distribution of the two proximally exposed and the unexposed subgroups. Of the 502 women in this study, 55.9% (n=282) belonged to the subgroup of women who were exposed to an attack and who remained in the same house, where weapon remnants were likely to be present, during the following months of their pregnancy. Subgroup 2, composed of women who were exposed to attacks and who had moved away from the bombed or shelled home, included 12.3% (n=61) of participants. Subgroups 1 and 2 compose what we named the “proximally exposed” women and were the 68.2% of the cross sectional convenience sample. Approximately one-third (31.7%, n=159) of the women belonged to subgroup 3, who reported not having been under or next door to military strikes and were therefore considered unexposed. Photographic evidence confirmed the damage to the houses of 25 women in subgroup 1 and of 24 women in subgroup 2.


Distribution of the cross sectional convenience sample according to different environmental exposures. (A) Division of the whole sample into subgroups was based on their reported proximal exposure or non-exposure. All women who reported that their home or the home next door was hit in an attack are in subgroup 1 (55.9% of the sample if they remained a resident in the same house until they delivered their baby, or in subgroup 2 (12.3% of the sample) if they were displaced after the attack. Subgroup 3 (31.7% of the sample reported no exposure to attacks. (B) Source of water for drinking and cooking. (C) Nearness to manufacturers and workshops. (D) Use of household and agriculture chemicals (shown in detail): users, or users of any of these chemicals or more than one.

” data-icon-position=”” data-hide-link-title=”0″>Figure 3 A-D

Figure 3 A-D

Distribution of the cross sectional convenience sample according to different environmental exposures. (A) Division of the whole sample into subgroups was based on their reported proximal exposure or non-exposure. All women who reported that their home or the home next door was hit in an attack are in subgroup 1 (55.9% of the sample if they remained a resident in the same house until they delivered their baby, or in subgroup 2 (12.3% of the sample) if they were displaced after the attack. Subgroup 3 (31.7% of the sample reported no exposure to attacks. (B) Source of water for drinking and cooking. (C) Nearness to manufacturers and workshops. (D) Use of household and agriculture chemicals (shown in detail): users, or users of any of these chemicals or more than one.

Metal load in mothers and newborns

Supplementary Table 1 (see online supplementary Table 1) shows the descriptive values of the metal load, as determined by ICP-MS, for the 23 metals investigated in the hair of mothers and newborns, both for the whole group and for subgroups of exposure to military attacks. In general, the mothers’ metal loads were higher than the newborns’. Spearman correlations of the metal load between the mothers and newborns for the whole sample (Table 1) showed significant (p<0.05) positive correlations for all metal loads, except for Cu and Sn, and a negative correlation for Ba. These data indicate trans-placental passage of toxicants Cr, Cs, Mo, Ni, Sr, Pb and V, and teratogens Hg, U and W.

Table 1

Correlation between mothers’ and newborns’ metal loads. Spearman analysis of the correlation between mothers’ and newborns’ metal loads. Values of p<0.05 are enhanced in yellow for the positive correlations for Mg, Cr, Cs, Hg Mo, Ni, Sr, U, V and W.  The correlation is negative for Ba. Values are reported in ppm

Table 2

Comparison of the metal load of the mothers in the cross sectional convenience sample and in subgroups 1, 2 and 3 with that of reference ranges of standards from areas not involved in the war. Comparison of the 95th percentile of metal load in the wholesample and in subgroups 1–3 with that of standards from areas not involved in wars. Confidence intervals are shown. Results with 95th percentiles significantly higher than the reference value are enhanced in light blue and in bold. Values are reported in ppm. Subgroups 1 and 2 are mothers ‘proximally exposed’ to attacks and subgroup 3 those that reported no exposure

The metal load comparison to a reference standard (RHS) from areas unaffected by war (Table 2) shows the comparison of the 95th percentile of the metal load for the mothers with that of RHS. In the whole sample and in each subgroup, the load of toxicants (Al, Fe, Ba, Mn, Ni, Pb, Sr and V), teratogens (Hg, U and W), carcinogens (As, Cd and Co), and of Mg and Zn was significantly higher in the hair of women in all groups of the Gazacross sectional convenience sample than in the reference group RHS. The load of Cs, Cu, Mo, SE, Sn and Ti did not significantly differ from what was found in the reference group, RHS.

Proximal exposure to military attacks and metal load

To examine whether there is an association between proximal exposure to military attacks and metal load, the median values of the subgroups were analysed by multiple quantile regression models. Results showed that both subgroups of proximally exposed women had significantly higher loads for the majority of metals than the unexposed subgroup. For the sake of clarity, Table 3 does not include the following metals which were detected at the same level in all samples as in RHS, and thus unrelated to differences in anthropogenic activities of any kind in the samples and the reference: Cs, Cu, Mo, Se, Sn and Ti. This analysis confirms that proximal exposure is associated with a higher load of contamination for most metals, with an exception for U, with the highest load in subgroup 3. Specifically, subgroups 1 and 2 together showed significantly higher metal loads than subgroup 3 for Al, Mg, Mn, Ba, As, Zn and V. Subgroups 1 and 2 showed significant differences between them: subgroup 1 was highest for Ba and V; subgroup 2 for Cr, Sr and W. Measured loads of Fe, Hg and Pb were higher in the three subgroups than in RHS but did not differ among the subgroups.

Comparison between the newborns groups for metal load showed that the newborns in subgroup 2 had a significantly higher load of contaminants for most metals, except for Hg and Zn. Yet, children in subgroup 3 had a significantly higher load for Al than newborns in subgroup 1.

Regarding exposures to environmental chemicals from civilian sources and potential confounders, the study showed high homogeneity in the women’s sample for exposure to most of the potential risk factors. For 84% of the women, it was common to use multiple sources for drinking water, and 87% of the women resided far from industrial plants (figure 3B and C). All of the women used a combination of the five food sources (UNRWA, Egyptian, Israeli and Turkish imports, and local). Less than 5% of women engaged in potentially risky habits, such as smoking, using hair dye or consuming medicines (not shown), and most of the women (90%) ate fish, a potential source of mercury, less than or equal to once per month. These putative risk factors do not seem relevant to the differences in the distribution of the metal load found between the women proximally exposed to military attacks and unexposed women.

Table 3a

Comparison between mothers of metal load between subgroups according to their ‘proximal exposure’. The metal load in mothers from different subgroups were compared with each other. Analysis was by multiple quantile regression on median values as linear function of the independent variable, ‘proximal exposure’. For ease in reading the data, the colour yellow indicates that the group in the first column of each panel has significantly higher load (p<0,05) than the one in the second column of the same panel. If vice versa, the line is enhanced in green colour. Panel A compares exposure subgroups 1 with 3; panel B compares exposure subgroups 1 with subgroups 2+3

Table 3b

Comparison between mothers of metal load between subgroups according to their ‘proximal exposure’. The metal load in mothers of different subgroups were compared with each other. Analysis was by multiple quantile regression on median values as linear function of the independent variable, ‘proximal exposure’. For ease in reading the data, the colour yellow indicates that the group in the column on the left in each panel has significantly higher load (p<0.05) than the one in the column on the right in the same panel. If vice versa, the line is enhanced in green colour. Panel C compares exposure subgroups 1+2 with 3; panel D compares exposure subgroups 1 with 2

Table 3c

Comparison between newborns of metal load between subgroups according to the mothers ‘proximal exposure’. The metal load in newborns of different subgroups were compared with each other. Analysis was by multiple quantile regression on median values as linear function of the independent variable, ‘proximal exposure’. For ease in reading the data, the colour yellow indicates that the group in the column on the left in each panel has significantly higher load (p<0.05) than the one in the column on the right in the same panel. If vice versa, the line is enhanced in green colour. Panel A compares exposure subgroups 1 with 3; panel B compares exposure subgroups 1 with 2+3

Table 3d

Comparison between newborns of metal load between subgroups according to the mothers ‘proximal exposure’. The metal load in newborns of different subgroups were compared with each other. Analysis was by multiple quantile regression on median values as linear function of the independent variable, ‘proximal exposure’. For ease in reading the data, the colour yellow indicates that the group in the column on the left in each panel has significantly higher load (p<0.05) than the one in the column on the right in the same panel. If vice versa, the line is enhanced in green colour. Panel C compares exposure subgroups 1+2 with 3; panel D compares exposure subgroups 1 with 2

Figure 3D shows that 76.3% (n=352) of women reported non-use of household and agricultural chemicals, whereas the 109 women classified as users reported using pesticides (n=82), herbicides (n=9) or other household chemicals (n=18). The chemicals were identified according to their function rather than their chemical composition and were studied only from the point of view of their potential contribution to the load of heavy metals in hair. Table 4 compares the median quantiles between user and non-user groups, showing no significant differences (p >0.3 for all analyses) among these subgroups in the load for all 23 metals. It is possible, then, to rule out the possibility that the use of these products contributed to the heavy metal contamination.

Table 4

Comparison of metal load between mothers according to their use of house–agricultural chemicals. Subgroups are not users-subgroup 1 (n=352) or users subgroup 2 (109), of any of the chemicals listed in figure 3D . Analysis was by multiple quantile regression on median values as linear function of the independent variable, ‘use of chemicals’. There was no significant difference for the load of all metal tested (p > 0,3) between the two groups


Principal findings

The study is the first to document the number of civilian subjects in the population who were exposed in 2014 to military attacks in Gaza. The women in this cross sectional convenience sample experienced, in 32.4% of cases, a direct hit to their private dwellings and, in 63% of these cases, the attacks occurred while the women were inside their homes. The women’s recollections were supported by photographic documentation of the reported damage which verified its extent. Hits including those on neighbouring buildings (proximal exposure) were reported by almost 70% of the women.

The study examined the load of heavy metals in the hair of this cross sectional convenience sample  of women who were all pregnant during the war in Gaza in 2014. Hair samples were collected when the women delivered during the winter of 2014 and the spring of 2015. We found a positive correlation between a high load of toxicants (Ba, Al, V, Sr and Cr), a teratogen (W) and a carcinogen (As) in women’s hair and their proximity to military attacks in 2014.

We also found that there was a higher load in the entire cross sectional convenience sample of Gaza women in comparison with the hair samples from individuals in areas unaffected by war (RHS), regardless of their recent exposure to attacks. The high load was for heavy metals already detected as war remnants from previous attacks in 2009 (toxicants such as Al, Fe, Ba, Mn, Cr, Ni, Pb, Sr and V; teratogens such as U and W; and carcinogens such as As, Cd and Co).

There was, instead, no difference in the cross sectional convenience sample of Gaza women, regardless of their reported exposure to the attacks in 2014, in comparison with the metal load in the hair of adults of both sexes from the areas unaffected by war (RHS) for the concentration of microelements (Cu, Se and Mo) and a few other metals (Cs, Sn and Ti). Moreover, anthropogenic sources not arising from military attacks were excluded as confounders. These data confirm that the source of toxicant, teratogen and carcinogen contaminants was anthropogenic and associated with military attacks. We also showed that there was trans-placental passage for heavy metals from mothers to their newborns.

Limitations of the study

The lack of ‘never exposed to war’ controls within Gaza is a limitation of the study which cannot be overcome because there is no recent ‘time zero’ for anthropogenic, heavy metal weapons related contamination in Gaza since the first aerial attacks in 2004. Military attacks and restrictions on people’s movement have become a prominent structural factor in the past 10 years. All participants in this study were present and residentially stable during three military operations in 6 years (Cast lead in 2008–2009, Pillar of cinder in 2012 and Defensive edge in 2014) and were likely exposed during that time and continuously thereafter to heavy metal war remnants that were environmentally stable. Even so, as the results highlight, this study was able to identify the contribution of heavy metals from the military attacks in 2014, establishing a significantly higher metal load in the hair of the women proximally exposed to these attacks. The composite background of war related heavy metal contaminants in the entire cross sectional convenience sample reflects the local history of attacks and had no bearing on the conclusions when we compared women exposed to those not exposed in 2014.

A general limitation of this type of study is that the knowledge about the effects of in-body interactions resulting from intake of more than one heavy metal is limited. It is difficult to anticipate the extent of the long term risk for human health and, in particular, for future pregnancies or infant development. Although we reported preliminary findings about incidence of birth defects and prematurity outcomes for the whole cross sectional convenience sample, this study was not designed to identify potential correlations between negative phenotypes in the newborns and heavy metal load. The size of this sample, while adequate to identify the correlation between levels of heavy metals with environmental exposures, is not large enough to generate accurate values for the incidence of negative birth outcomes, which have relatively low frequency in the population, or to establish the association of a high load of heavy metals with those outcomes.

Strengths of the study

The use of a questionnaire specifically designed to include local issues and administered via face to face interviews with women by their midwives allowed for the evaluation of the potential impact on the load in heavy metals of women’s habits and exposures to sources of potential contamination other than military attacks. The questionnaire confirmed the rarity of other habits that could potentially lead to heavy metal exposure and to quantify as very low the geographical nearness to common anthropogenic sources of heavy metals in Gaza. The survey thus helped to verify and exclude a role for many potential confounders in the mothers’ heavy metal load. A further strength of the study was the inclusion, as an internal control, of the testing of the concentration of microelements and metals not associated with weaponry. These did not differ in concentrations from the RHS reference, for both the exposed and not exposed groups.

This is the first investigation involving a sample with a relatively large number of participants, enlisted without exclusions, and which also includes newborn babies, where the load of 23 heavy metals was measured in participants’ hair. The size of the cross sectional convenience sample allows subgroups to be used according to exposure to environmental factors, where even the subgroups were of suitable sizes for statistical analyses of the differences in median concentrations of contaminants. In addition, this is probably one of the first studies where women’s recollections, in this case regarding their exposure to military attacks, was verified objectively by photographic documentation.


Heavy metal contamination as a hidden legacy of military attacks in 2014

The contamination by heavy metals associated with the exposure to recent military attacks is a hidden factor that has, until now, never been fully documented, even though it constitutes a risk for the health of the population. The frequency of women’s exposure to the attacks in 2014 in a home setting was very high, about 70%, demonstrating the local’s saying that there was ‘no place to hide’ for the population of Gaza at that time. The women exposed to attacks had significantly higher loads of heavy metals than women not exposed. As only about a quarter of women were primipara, three-quarters of the women had children who were similarly exposed to the military attacks. The extent of the attacks on civilians in 2014 was thus likely to have produced heavy metal contamination in a wide sector of the population.

The fact that the highest contaminant loads was found in the women exposed to attacks were in those not exposed involved various toxicants, teratogens and carcinogens (Ba, Al, V, Sr, Cr, W and As) , could not be foreseen a priori and illustrates the complexity of the contamination. Yet, this finding is compatible with the reports by various sources25 27 about the use of many different types of ammunitions in this military operation.

We excluded some relevant sources as potential contributors to the heavy metal load detected in the cross sectional convenience sample. Chemicals used in agriculture and in the household did not impact on the metal loads when the entire sample was compared with references, or in proximally exposed women versus those not exposed. All other known factors considered are unlikely to be confounding. This is consistent with the known limited other anthropogenic sources of heavy metals in Gaza (like refineries and metal and chemical industries) and with the reduction in gasoline consumption for all uses, which was severely restricted due to the economic blockade in place since late 2012. Exposure to the 2014 attacks was the only factor that we could detect as contributing to the personal contamination of the participants by heavy metals.

Historical contamination by other war remnant heavy metals and their persistence in the environment

Besides the identification of a high load of heavy metals, which we specifically traced to exposure to the military attacks in 2014, we found that all the participants had levels significantly higher than controls from outside areas affected by war (RHS) of other war remnant heavy metals, such as U, Hg, Cd, Co, Fe, Ni, Pb, V, Mn, Cd and Co. Previous reports had shown their delivery in Gaza by weaponry; teratogens Hg and Cd and toxicants Pb and Fe were delivered by weapons in the 2008–2009 war.6 A high load of Hg was reported in newborns of mothers exposed at that time to bombing and to attacks with white phosphorus ammunitions.17–20 High loads of Al, Fe, Cd, Hg and U were detected in the hair of children tested 1 year after the 2008–2009 attacks (unpublished, Manduca).

The presence of concentrations higher than those found in the reference group (RHS) for heavy metals introduced previously by weaponry in Gaza in the entire cross sectional convenience sample of women that we have tested in 2015 confirms that these elements have persisted in the environment for years and suggests that the whole population may have been chronically intaking these metals.

Implications of chronic exposure to heavy metals and their in-body accumulation

Chronic exposure to heavy metals before the attacks in 2014 complicates the contribution of the attacks in 2014, and involves also diverse types of heavy metals. Yet, the heavy metals detected previously, as well those recently detected as deriving from the 2014 attacks, are known for their teratogenic, toxicant and carcinogenic properties. They are risk factors for non-communicable diseases and for reproductive health. On the one hand, the environmental stability of heavy metals makes it possible for their chronic intake from the environment by individuals. On the other hand, these metals, after intake into the body, are not excreted rapidly and accumulate in organs where they can continue to induce somatic epigenetic changes. If there is a threshold for their action , they can reach the critical concentrations capable of causing negative biological effects over time and can therefore affect health even at a time distant from that of intake, and pathological and phenotypic endpoints of their effects could  be delayed.

A variety of negative effects in time affecting the physiology of individuals, as well as an increase in non-communicable diseases, were reported in association with heavy metal exposure. Unfortunately, very little knowledge is available to date on the kinetics of the deposition of each heavy metal in the body and of its release from each specific organ of deposition, and these unanswered questions require further investigation. Among the various potential long term negative effects associated with heavy metal intake, we here only discuss  some of the concerns regarding reproductive health, for which some information in humans is available, as well as the role of teratogens of some of the heavy metal contaminants.

Exposure to attacks, heavy metal load and long term implications for reproductive health

We have mentioned the limits of this study in investigating the association of the metal load with phenotypes at birth. The present study is a first step in this direction. Nonetheless, the finding of an increase in birth defects and preterm births, compared with the incidence registered in 2011, is a concern.21 We can anticipate that our data on a widercross sectional convenience sample would register significant increases in birth defects and preterm births by the year 2016 (Manduca et al, submitted 2016). In other post-war settings, the association between exposure to attacks and negative reproductive outcomes was reported.18 In Gaza, by retrospective pedigree analysis,20 an increase in birth defects was reported starting in 2005, after the newest air delivered weapons were first used. Between 2006 and 2010, i.e. before and after the Cast lead operation in 2009, there was a significant increase in birth defect in infants,19 a rise which was continuing in 2011 (Manduca, unpublished). In Gaza was reported in 2011 association between the exposure to attacks and the contaminant load in newborn hair for specific teratogens, if the infant was born with a birth defect, or toxicants, if the infant was born preterm.22 There is thus some evidence of the potential negative impact on the outcomes of pregnancies due to the intake of heavy metals during wars.

There was also limited previous evidence that most of the heavy metals pass through the placental barrier, as we here documente, and accumulate in the hair during fetal life. However, the critical levels of heavy metals capable of negatively impacting on the human embryo and fetus are unknown, and little is known about the kinetics and modalities of trans-placental transfer of each individual heavy metal over time.

We have reported that newborn babies in this cross sectional convenience sample have lower heavy metal loads than mothers, but our present knowledge does not allow for a conclusion of whether this is reassuring for their future health as infants. Delayed effects were reported for in utero exposure to attacks among children as increased rates of chronic illnesses, developmental problems and growth impairments.7–10 12–16 Our data on newborn contamination are only an initial contribution to the needed research to investigate whether a high maternal load of weapons related metals and in utero exposure of the baby can predict physical, cognitive, emotional and psychological development in the infant. We are presently addressing this issue with a longitudinal assessment.

Other long term exposures to heavy metals that could harm the infant’s development may occur because of the transmission of heavy metals from the mother through breastfeeding.

A high load of some heavy metals can interfere with the mother’s future capability to bring a pregnancy to term, resulting in premature deliveries or negative effects on their next babies’ health.11 29 Mobilisation during pregnancy of metal previously accumulated in the mother’s body is likely to occur in pregnancies remote in time from their intake, and the return of stored heavy metals into the lymphatic and vascular circulation may have delayed effects on reproductive health.21 22 There is evidence that different heavy metals accumulate preferentially in different compartments of the body (eg, bone for lead, strontium and uranium; brain for mercury, cadmium and aluminium; kidney for cadmium, mercury, chrome, lead and plutonium), and that from these organs, the metals can be mobilised during subsequent pregnancies, via organ and tissue remodelling, and the development of the placenta, but the extent and details of these mobilisations are largely unknown.

Generalising the meaning of the study

The results of this study illustrate that in Gaza, a specific high load of heavy metals is associated for all the women in the cross sectional convenience sample with the exposure to military attacks in 2014, and widespread contamination for many heavy metals was associated with the use of weaponry in previous attacks. These evidences support the possibility of immediate and long term risks for health posed by weapons associated heavy metals and war remnants. They suggest that the risks posed by the war remnants are diffuse, may not be limited to reproductive health and may also affect the frequency of pathologies such as cancers, male sterility, immunity and endocrine disorders, thus interesting all sexes and ages, as the insurgence of these pathologies can be influenced by heavy metal exposure and is noticeable that they are reported by medical sources, on the rise in Gaza.8–11

The contamination documented in the cross sectional convenience sample by potential effectors of non-communicable diseases suggests new investigative lines in studying their ethology.

The relevance of the local context needs to be underlined as the it  was the first determinant that made our research possible. There are factors in the Gaza Strip that aided conducting human studies which would hardly be possible elsewhere: good medical structures, collaborative communities with stable composition and residences, and stagnating or restricted industrial production (although imposed by the siege and negative for the well-being of the people), independent documentation from international observers of timing of attacks and of kind of weapons used , and consulting help for environmental issues. The collaborative context also allowed the development of a questionnaire suitable for further surveillance of health.

To fully understand the implications for health of these findings we need future studies involving a variety of professional aptitudes. Research is needed on the fate of heavy metals in the human organism, particularly in relation to the release from the mother’s organ during remodelling in pregnancies. Additionally, researchers should explore the mechanistic aspects of the molecular action of each heavy metal, and longitudinal studies can identify and verify the endpoints of diseases over time. Currently, knowledge of all of these matters is limited. Given that the weaponry used in many of the current military operations in other countries is often manufactured by the same firms as the weaponry used in Gaza, our observations may be relevant in designing studies in other settings.


The long term effects on health due to contamination by remnants of war containing heavy metals needs consideration in association with other long term effects of war on populations, including the trauma of war and war related economic and structural damage.

Surveillance at birth, bio-monitoring and the study of outcomes of maternal and newborn health must be maintained as stable programmes, as they provide the most sensitive first sentinels for studies of the sequelae of anthropogenic contamination and can provide alerts about increases in damaging health conditions. They also provide solid information intrinsic to prospective data collection. Surveillance at birth is relatively easy to implement, and its outcome informs the general risks for the population and helps tailor public health interventions and preventive procedures.

Retrospective and longitudinal investigations should be undertaken to investigate the effects of heavy metal contamination on non-communicable diseases

Further research on the long term health damage caused by exposure to heavy metals is needed. Additionally, plans for family counselling, prevention and remediation should be developed. These efforts require the support of the scientific community and the involvement of an array of professionals from different disciplines. Our studies provide a background for others to be implemented in other settings where, in similar fashion as in Gaza, general health may be threatened by hidden remnants of war in the present and for the next generations.

In summary, in Gaza, contamination by heavy metals that persist in the environment and their continuing accumulation in individuals are ongoing risk factors for a variety of health outcomes in the aftermath of war.

Supplementary Material

Supplementary material 1

Supplementary Material

Supplementary Table 1


Fabrizio Minichilli, researcher, and Fabrizio Bianchi, Research Director Unit of Environmental Epidemiology, Institute of Clinical Physiology, Pisa, Italy, provided significant support in the statistical analysis.


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View Abstract


  • Contributors Contributorship statement. PM developed the questionnaire used to collect the data, directed the analytical work and elaboration of the data with statisticians, wrote the manuscript, and prepared the figures and reference list. SYD directed the organised field work in three hospitals, and the follow-up objective assessment of damages, and contributed to the definition of the work and review of the manuscript. NMAA directed the organised field work in one hospital and contributed to the definition of the work and review of the manuscript. SRQ partecipated in the planning of the study and review of the manuscript. R-LP launched the idea of the study and participated in the planning of the work and first draft and review of the manuscript. All contributed authors had access to and revised the data.

  • Competing interests None declared.

  • Patient consent Yes.

  • Ethics approval The Palestinian Health Research Council and the Helsinki C’ommittee for Ethical Approval approved the study, and the Research Board of the Islamic University of Gaza, Palestinine, reviewed and accepted the research tools and procedures. The women provided written informed consent for their own and their newborns’ participation.

  • Provenance and peer review Not commissioned; externally peer reviewed.

  • Data sharing statement Extra data can be accessed via the Dryad data repository at the doi:10.5061/dryad.kr846.

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GAZA. Dopo le bombe si ricostruisce il Wafa Hospital

A due anni dall’operazione Margine Protettivo, nel quale fu distrutto dai raid israeliani, l’ospedale di Shujayah prova a tornare alla normalità. Intervista al direttore sanitario, dottor Alashi

La paziente Ayah Abadan (Foto: Federica Iezzi/Nena News)

La paziente Ayah Abadan (Foto: Federica Iezzi/Nena News)

testo e foto di Federica Iezzi

Gaza City (Striscia di Gaza), 03 agosto 2016, Nena News – Unico ospedale riabilitativo nella Striscia di Gaza, l’el-Wafa Rehabilitation Hospital ha accolto senza sosta anziani, lungodegenti, malati, pazienti con gravi disabilità mentali e neurologiche, paraplegici e paralitici, per più di vent’anni, nel quartiere di Shujaiyya‬, a est di Gaza City.

°Fig.4 Bombardamenti dell'IDFColpito duramente in passato da un’ostinata serie di pesanti attacchi aerei e di terra, durante le operazioni militari israeliane Piombo Fuso (2008-2009), Pilastro di Difesa (2012) e Margine Protettivo (2014), l’el-Wafa soffre ancora una grossa carenza di materiale medico e chirurgico. L’assedio nella Striscia di Gaza non permette l’ingresso di farmaci per terapie croniche, gas medicali, strumentazione sanitaria e pezzi di ricambio per equipaggiamenti danneggiati.

Durante l’ultima offensiva israeliana, a seguito di tre diversi attacchi, la struttura sanitaria è stata totalmente rasa al suolo. I raid aerei israeliani sull’ospedale sono stati mirati e precisi. Alle ufficiali e reiterate richieste di spiegazione‬, da parte dell’amministrazione della struttura sanitaria, non sono mai arrivate risposte dalle autorità israeliane.

Ancora oggi, dopo due anni, del decennale lavoro dell’el-Wafa a Shujaiyya non rimangono che vecchi fogli di terapie, coperti dalle macerie. All’ospedale è stata affidata dal Ministero della Sanità palestinese una nuova sede, nell’area di al-Zahara, alla periferia di Gaza City. Abbiamo incontrato e intervistato il direttore generale dell’el-Wafa hospital, dr Basman Alashi.

In che modo le autorità israeliane giustificano gli attacchi e la distruzione completa dell’el-Wafa hospital?

Il target erroneo dell'aviazione militare israeliana

Il target erroneo dell’aviazione militare israeliana

Le autorità israeliane hanno usato due storie diverse per giustificare la totale demolizione della struttura ospedaliera: primo, l’esercito israeliano ha coperto l’attacco, pubblicando immagini satellitari dell’aerea del bombardamento e contrassegnando come el-Wafa, un edificio che di fatto era la sede del Right to Life Society. [vedi le immagini a lato]. Nelle stesse foto satellitari le autorità israeliane hanno etichettato, senza alcun riscontro, aree adiacenti l’el-Wafa, come siti di partenza di razzi M75, da parte del braccio armato di Hamas.

Secondo, un video distribuito dall’esercito ha cercato di raccontare i bombardamenti, ma le riprese comprendevano immagini di un attacco simile all’el-Wafa, avvenuto nel 2008-2009, durante l’operazione militare israeliana sulla Striscia di Gaza ‘Piombo Fuso’. Il 17 luglio 2014 durante la notte, l’esercito israeliano ha costretto il personale ospedaliero e i pazienti ad evacuare l’ospedale mentre era sotto attacco. Abbiamo evacuato e bloccato l’intero ospedale per proteggere gli edifici e le attrezzature. Da quel momento l’ospedale è rimasto sotto la completa sorveglianza e il totale controllo dell’esercito israeliano. La sicurezza e la salvaguardia di di edifici e materiale erano nelle loro mani. Nonostante le affermazioni fuorvianti e le infondate accuse della presenza di militanti palestinesi in aree adiacenti, l’esercito israeliano ha continuato a colpire l’ospedale e, infine, ha raso al suolo tutti e quattro gli edifici il 23 luglio 2014.

L’ el-Wafa hospital, nel quartiere di Shujaiyya, era in una posizione strategica. A soli pochi chilometri dalla linea di confine tra Striscia di Gaza e Territori Palestinesi Occupati. E’ facile pensare che l’eliminazione fisica della costruzione avrebbe poturo aprire, nel corso dell’operazione Margine Protettivo, una via di passaggio delle truppe israeliane di terra. Qual è la sua opinione?

Credo che sia stato l’obiettivo principale dell’esercito. Hanno progettato meticolosamente l’attacco per impedire qualsiasi protesta da parte dei media. Hanno messo in piedi le storie del lancio dei razzi e dei colpi di arma da fuoco a partire dall’edificio ospedaliero, che hanno trasformato senza scrupolo in un centro di commando di Hamas. Sapevano bene che sarebbe stato difficile giustificare la distruzione di un ospedale noto, funzionante, con ottimi risultati clinici, esistente dal 1990.

Il dotto Basmna Alashi (Foto: Federica Iezzi/Nena News)

Il dotto Basmna Alashi (Foto: Federica Iezzi/Nena News)

Tutte false le giustificazioni e le ragioni raccontate, ma i media internazionali hanno rivolto lo sguardo altrove e hanno regalato a Israele per l’ennesima volta la licenza di uccidere. Il mondo dei media ha dato così il lasciapassare all’esercito israeliano: bombardare ospedali, uccidere civili innocenti e spezzare la vita di bambini nei Territori Palestinesi è consentito. E’ stato dato loro immunità e impunità.

Il periodo subito dopo il primo attacco aereo è stato un momento molto difficile: la paura e la preoccupazione dei pazienti, l’incerta evacuazione dell’ospedale. Quali sono i suoi ricordi di quei giorni?

Sono rimasto assolutamente scioccato durante il primo attacco, l’11 luglio 2014, alle 02:00 della notte. In quelle ore, abbiamo parlato con molte organizzazioni internazionali. Tutti ci hanno assicurato che il bombardamento dell’ospedale era stato un errore e non si sarebbe verificato di nuovo.

Durante la guerra, ho continuato a visitare e curare pazienti e fragili anziani. Ogni giorno e ogni notte ero profondamente preoccupato per la loro incolumità, così abbiamo deciso di spostare tutto il nostro lavoro sul primo piano dell’ospedale, per proteggere sia i pazienti sia il personale sanitario dai bombardamenti israeliani delle aree circostanti.

Non riuscivo né a capire né a credere come “l’esercito più morale del mondo” avesse potuto indirizzare bombe, granate, missili e razzi su malati, anziani e indifesi. Non riuscivo proprio a capire come una situazione del genere potesse ancora verificarsi lecitamente nel 2014.

Qual è stato il ruolo della Croce Rossa e Mezzaluna Rossa durante il delicato intervento di evacuazione dei pazienti?

Abbiamo avuto continui contatti con la Croce Rossa durante il bombardamento dell’ospedale, contatti in cui è stato ribadito l’errore da parte dell’esercito israeliano di considerare come obiettivo militare l’el-Wafa. Tuttavia, gli attacchi aerei sull’ospedale non si sono fermati. Durante la giornata designata di evacuazione forzata, ho ricevuto chiamate da parte dello staff della Croce Rossa sul mio telefono personale. Queste le parole al telefono di Gail Corbett, delegata della Croce Rossa (nda infermiera inserita nei programmi di supporto della Croce Rossa neozelandese, nella Striscia di Gaza e nei Territori Palestinesi Occupati): “Mr. Alashi, ho un messaggio per lei da parte dell’esercito israeliano. Quanto tempo è necessario per l’evacuazione completa dell’ospedale?”. La mia risposta ferma è stata che avevo bisogno di almeno due ore.

La nuova sede del Wafa Hospital (Foto: Federica Iezzi/Nena News)

La nuova sede del Wafa Hospital (Foto: Federica Iezzi/Nena News)

Dopo alcuni minuti, ho ricevuto una seconda chiamata con un secondo messaggio, sempre dalla stessa persona. Ha detto: “La massima autorità dell’esercito israeliano ha dato l’ordine di non sparare sull’el-Wafa, ma l’ordine non ha raggiunto in tempo il livello più basso dell’esercito”. Le ho chiesto “State aiutando Israele?”. Stavano ancora bombardando l’ospedale mentre parlavamo al telefono.

Il giorno successivo, abbiamo chiesto alla Croce Rossa di darci il permesso di portare via dall’ospedale alcuni farmaci e alcune attrezzature innovative e costose. La dura risposta è stata che non potevano aiutarci ad ottenere il permesso dall’esercito israeliano. La MezzaLuna Rossa gazawi è stata disponibile nella fornitura di farmaci di emergenza durante l’offensiva. Hanno contattato diverse organizzazioni internazionali e hanno contribuito alla campagna di sensibilizzazione con l’obiettivo di porre fine agli attacchi contro strutture sanitarie. Il loro sostegno comunque è stato limitato al funzionamento di quello che era rimasto dell’ospedale.

La sede temporanea dell’ospedale è attualmente nella zona di al-Zahara, nella periferia di Gaza City. Molti strumenti, attrezzature mediche e materiali sono stati persi. Cos’è cambiato nella vita dei vostri pazienti?

Durante i primi 12 mesi dalla distruzione dell’el-Wafa, tutto il nostro personale ospedaliero ha continuato il proprio lavoro con grande esperienza e profonda conoscenza delle sfide da combattere nel post-trauma. Uno dei miei operatori sanitari mi ha detto “Ci sentiamo come negli anni ’30. Possiamo usare solo le mani per trattare il post-trauma. Senza attrezzature mediche per la diagnosi e senza medicina per ridurre il dolore”. Oggi, con l’aiuto di organizzazioni donatrici, siamo stati in grado di riportare nell’ospedale molta dell’attrezzatura perduta.

Ci può dare una descrizione dello stato d’animo dei pazienti in quelle ore? C’è una storia speciale di un paziente che vuole condividere con noi?

La storia di una paziente potrebbe descrivere tutto. E’ quella di Ayah Abadan, una ragazza di 20 anni, con emiplegia. Ricorda il giorno in cui è stato evacuato l’ospedale: lei è stata portata via su un lenzuolo. Da allora, ogni notte, sente ancora i rumori delle esplosioni, i vetri rotti, le urla e la confusione. Ricorda tutti questi eventi. E il ricordo più terrificante è il vedere quello che accade intorno a te, ma non avere la capacità di muoverti. I suoi piedi avrebbero potuto bruciare nel fuoco dell’esplosione, mentre lei sarebbe rimasta seduta e incapace di allontanarsi. Tutte queste immagini sono oggi ferme e indelebili nella sua memoria.

La sala riabilitazione (Foto: Federica Iezzi/Nena News)

La sala riabilitazione (Foto: Federica Iezzi/Nena News)

Ayah guarda l’ospedale distrutto dietro di sé e chiede “E ora come faccio? Come può l’esercito israeliano colpire proprio noi, pazienti e anziani paralizzati?”. L’aggressione israeliana ha creato circostanze molto complesse e difficili da risolvere per pazienti legati ad una terapia cronica, per pazienti legati ad una cura insostituibile, per pazienti la cui sola speranza, non avendo la libertà di muoversi, era legata all’unico ospedale riabilitativo presente nella Striscia di Gaza. Ayah dice che Israele deve essere ritenuto responsabile davanti al Tribunale Penale Internazionale per i crimini commessi contro i palestinesi.

Qual è la situazione dei servizi periferici di fisioterapia? L’ultima guerra ha causato almeno 11.000 feriti e la metà di loro ha bisogno di cure riabilitative particolari. Come riuscite a gestire tutti loro come unico ospedale di riabilitazione nella Striscia di Gaza?

Dal momento in cui Israele ha distrutto l’unico ospedale riabilitativo a Gaza, nessuno era in grado di ottenere e seguire un percorso di fisioterapia e rieducazione medica adeguato. Molti pazienti sono stati costretti a rimanere semplicemente a casa. In più, alcune delle loro case erano invivibili a causa di estesi danneggiamenti, elemento che ha sicuramente determinato un peggioramento della prognosi. Subito dopo la guerra, abbiamo iniziato un intenso programma di riabilitazione medica a Rafah e Khan Younis e seguito oltre 11.000 pazienti a domicilio. A Gaza City, ci siamo trasferiti nella nostra posizione temporanea a al-Zahra, continuando a ricevere pazienti.

E per il futuro dell’el-Wafa? La vostra idea è quella di tornare a Gaza City. I fondi e le donazioni saranno sufficienti per ricostruire un nuovo ospedale con tutti i servizi medici?

Abbiamo deciso di non ricostruire l’ospedale nella stessa posizione a Gaza City, cioè vicino al confine con Israele o nella zona di Shujaiyya.
Molte organizzazioni internazionali ci stanno aiutando nei lenti processi di ricostruzione dell’ospedale. Abbiamo ricevuto un terreno di 4.000 metri quadrati nel centro di Gaza come sede del nuovo ospedale. L’Islamic Bank di Jeddah ha stanziato 1,4 milioni di dollari per la prima fase della ricostruzione e ha promesso di aggiungere più fondi alla seconda fase. Anche i medici europei hanno promesso finanziamenti per apparecchiature medicali da destinare al nostro nuovo ospedale.

Il futuro è pieno di speranza finché ci saranno persone come lei che permettono al mondo di conoscere, passando attraverso disagi e sopraffazioni. La distruzione dell’ospedale non sarà dimenticata e la giustizia alla fine avrà la sua vittoria.

thanks to: Nena News

Hebron: ong denuncia esecuzione di una giovane palestinese

Sarah Hajuj, la palestinese di 27 anni che, secondo la ricostruzione della polizia israeliana, cercò di accoltellare lo scorso primo luglio degli agenti di frontiera ad un check point nei pressi della Tomba dei Patriarchi ad Hebron, in Cisgiordania, è stata in realtà oggetto di “una esecuzione extragiudiziale da parte della stessa polizia”, nonostante “non costituisse una minaccia” per gli agenti.
Ad affermarlo è l’ong israeliana B’Tselem che afferma di fondare la sua tesi su proprie “indagini e su un video ripreso da un passante palestinese”.

Sorgente: Hebron: ong denuncia esecuzione di una giovane palestinese | Contropiano

Nuovo Rapporto sul massacro di Gaza del 2014: morirono 2200 palestinesi (526 bambini e il 63% civili)

In un nuovo rapporto pubblicato il 20 luglio dall’Ong pacifista israeliana B’Tsalem viene fatta luce definitiva sul numero delle vittime complessive del massacro passato alla storia come la “Guerra di Gaza” o, da parte israeliana, “Margine Protettivo”.

Degli oltre 2200 palestinesi morti, il 63% (quasi 1400) sono civili e oltre 500 bambini (180 con età inferiore ai 6 anni). Nel presentare il rapporto dal titolo “50 giorni, 500 bambini”, la Ong ha sottolineato come fossero tutte menzogne le raccomandazioni da parte dell’esercito del regime israeliano sulla proporzionalità e sulla selezione degli obiettivi. Le cifre simboleggiano la cruda realtà di un massacro autentico.

Notizia del: 22/07/2016

Sorgente: Nuovo Rapporto sul massacro di Gaza del 2014: morirono 2200 palestinesi (526 bambini e il 63% civili) – World Affairs – L’Antidiplomatico

HRW chiede alla ICC di aprire un’indagine sui crimini di guerra israeliani

Imemc. Human Rights Watch (HRW) ha chiesto alla Corte Criminale Internazionale (ICC, International Criminal Court) di aprire un’indagine formale sui crimini commessi da Israele contro i Palestinesi negli ultimi decenni.

HRW ha comunicato, in una dichiarazione della scorsa domenica, che il procuratore dell’ICC Fatou Bensouda dovrebbe presentare un’inchiesta formale coerente con lo Statuto di Roma dell’ICC.

Secondo Press TV/Al Ray “la ICC ha fatto luce sulla gravità di molti crimini e sul pervasivo clima di impunità per questo genere di offese”, asserisce l’organizzazione, facendo appello all’anniversario della guerra di Gaza del 2014.

“Dopo quasi un secolo di impunità, è il momento che i responsabili di alcuni dei crimini tra i più gravi paghino il loro prezzo”, ha affermato Sarah Leah Whitson, direttore esecutivo della divisione Medioriente e Nord Africa di Human Rights Watch.

“Il procuratore della ICC dovrebbe procedere e investigare sui crimini in modo da assicurare alle vittime una misura di giustizia che troppo a lungo gli è stata negata”.

Human Rights Watch, l’ONU e le organizzazioni internazionali per i diritti umani hanno ribadito che l’ultima guerra condotta da Israele contro la già assediata Striscia di Gaza rappresenta un vero e proprio crimine di guerra.

Israele ha lanciato il suo attacco di 50 giorni contro Gaza alle idi del luglio 2014. L’aggressione militare, terminata il 26 agosto, ha ucciso quasi 2200 palestinesi, di cui 570 bambini.

Traduzione di Domenica Zavaglia

Sorgente: HRW chiede alla ICC di aprire un’indagine sui crimini di guerra israeliani | Infopal

La giovane palestinese assassinata da soldati israeliani lascia 2 bimbi

Queste sono le foto di Ansar Hussam Harasha, 25 anni, sposata e madre di due bambini – Hadil, 2 anni e Yamen, 4 anni -, uccisa giovedì 2 giugno al check-point di Innab, nei pressi di Anabta, nel distretto di Tulkarem.

Ansar era di Qeffin, vicino a Nablus.

Come consueto, per coprire i loro crimini, i soldati israeliani fanno trovare coltelli sulla scena del millantato “attacco terroristico”. Tuttavia, video e foto spesso testimoniano che si tratta di esecuzioni.

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Sorgente: La giovane palestinese assassinata da soldati israeliani lascia 2 bimbi | Infopal